Xinjiang’s Public Security Law Quietly Amended

We’ve now reached day 190 of no internet in Xinjiang and the “gradual” reopening promised by the authorities has failed to materialize. “Be patient” they tell us. “We’ll give you back your freedom soon”.

But how much freedom will be restored in the end?

A select few organizations picked up on a small news item that I think might have been more significant than people realize. An amendment was made to a public security law that regulates how the government deals with and responds to security threats. This law was first established in 1991 after a few riots and demonstrations in Xinjiang started gaining international attention. It was amended in 1994 after the Baren riot and again in 1997 right after another major uprising – the Gulja riots in Yili – and now it will be revised once more to allow for more control of the “Three Evil Forces” (separatism, religious extremism, and terrorism).

Most of the changes in this new amendment are common sense and a bit boring (“clarify the responsibilities of each security department” and “increase government funding”) but one particular detail stuck out to me: a new regulation on the internet (excuse me…what internet?). This is according to an interview with Liu Keqin, (not accessible outside Xinjiang - Xinhua report here) an official responsible for the amendment, concerning one of the changes that will take place on February 1st:

“…these Regulations [will] put an emphasis on strengthening our ability to monitor internet activity in order to combat the use of networks or other electronic mediums to carry out illegal, criminal acts…”

This leaves me to wonder just how this “strengthening” is going to be put into practice. Some people I have asked about this speculate that some activities such as QQ or chat forums, will never be reopened. Others tell me they will be heavily, heavily, monitored. One thing is for sure: the internet will never be the same.

China already has the famous “Great Firewall” protecting its borders. I have a feeling that one is quietly being built around Xinjiang as well.

The TRUTH about Xinjiang’s Internet Situation

Today marks five long months since communication was severely cut here in the province of Xinjiang. With the exception of two short trips outside the province during this time, my wife and I have had to sit here and endure a frustrating feeling that we are now living in the stone ages. Still, the information that does find its way to my computer indicates that most people don’t have a complete understanding of this communication blackout.

How much information is really getting into and out of Xinjiang? Is the internet completely cut or just partially? If so, how am I updating this blog while still living in Xinjiang? And the question on everybody’s mind who has any concern about Xinjiang: when will they turn the internet back on?

What Internet is Available within Xinjiang?

The most common misunderstanding I run into with anybody outside the province is the idea that we have no internet whatsoever. Although true in some ways (all email, Skype, and IM have vanished), the statement is bit misleading. While any internet content, especially for English-speakers, is extremely limited, there is plenty still available to be found in Chinese. It seems to me that the government has basically cut the cord to content that is hosted outside the province, but anything within the province is accessible. So what does that leave us with?

• Local government websites: All Xinjiang government websites (such as this one for Urumqi) are viewable and are kept up-to-date as normal. In keeping with my theory about where the content is served, though, no government websites from cities like Beijing or Shanghai are available.
• Local News Sites: Popular news portals such as Tianshannet or iyaxin are available and offer both national and international news (in Chinese). The only English-language news site I’ve seen is the Tianshannet-affiliated AboutXinjiang. National sites like CCTV can’t be viewed and international sites are obviously not available.
• Movie Sites: No, I’m not talking about YouTube but rather a series of city-based sites that offer movies for online viewing (legality questionable). You have to register as a citizen of that city before you can actually view the movie, though.
• Limited Shopping: Taobao, the Chinese version of eBay, is available only on a provincial level, meaning that you can only buy Xinjiang stuff from Xinjiang stores. Needless to say, the selection is pretty pathetic.
• Flash Games: All of the major online games have been cut which has led to the rise of a sad assortment of flash game sites. Various portals offer these games but none of them that I have seen offer online multi-player support.

Is it Possible to Get Access to Internet?

While planning for travel on the October holiday this year I was advised by my school and the local security bureau to stay put for the holiday. I couldn’t believe it. I politely went to the police station and had a conversation with the highest official who would talk to me. I explained to him that because of bank issues, family communication, and general sanity I needed to get on the internet. I needed him to either allow me online or allow me to leave.

First of all, he explained, there was a computer in the security office that had full internet access, but this IP was strictly for monitoring activity in the city. No surprise there, I guess, although I wished he would have let me see this sacred computer. My second option was to leave the province – and he gave me the permission to do so.

But his third option was what surprised me. Individual IP’s, according to this officer, could be opened up with the appropriate permission. This permission, however, had to be granted at three different levels: city, province, and national. And all of them had to be applied for in person. Apparently this is what companies have to do who require online activity for business.

So it is possible to open up the internet, but it’s a difficult and probably impossible for individuals. Which begs the question: “How are you getting on the internet?” If I told you that, I’d have to kill you, but suffice it to say that the foreigner network here has set up and passed along a number of different work-arounds. Those which get leaked get plugged…so my lips are shut.

When Will the Internet Re-Open?

Here is the million-dollar question. If you ask 10 different people in Urumqi when the internet should turn back on you’re likely to get 10 different answers. The list ranges from the 1st of the year to somewhere in the middle of next year but everybody readily admits they’re not for sure.

Until a couple of weeks ago I would have been hesitant to answer this question, but a friend I trust passed along some interesting information that has given me the boldness to make my own predictions. According to some memos sent between the capital and the head office of our city’s main telecom provider, service is expected to open up during the May holiday of 2010.

There you have it. I’ve bet my money and made my prediction. This is just the halfway point…we have another 5 months to go. Of course, being wrong won’t make me sad if it’s sooner rather than later.

Please be wrong, please be wrong…

Life in Xinjiang after 7.5

A couple months ago I did a brief overview of the changes that have been taking place in Xinjiang due to the July 5th riots.  Since that time quite a few newsworth events have continued to shape life in Xinjiang, including the syringe scare and the outbreak of H1N1, and I thought you might be interested to hear how these have affected the day-to-day life in the province.  As always, keep in mind that this all comes from personal observation and is limited in scope to my small city.  It should give you a better picture, though, about what is happening in a province that at the moment is both deaf and dumb.

• Security forces are still visible all throughout the province, including along the highway checkpoints and especially near the mosques.  It has been reported that over 20,000 troops have been deployed all throughout the province and there is no hint that they'll be leaving soon.
• Buses in many cities are now staffed by a government employee whose sole job is to ensure passenger safety.  Like air marshals, they're usually plain-clothed and they are, more than likely, a direct response to the syringe attacks.
• Bags are being checked in all major shopping areas.  It's not clear what they're looking for, but the personnel checking the bags are regular employees, not police.
• Long distance calling has been shut down even tighter.  While previously I could use a specific phone card to call home or at least receive incoming calls late at night, it seems that this "loophole" has been discovered and fixed.  Communication with my family is virtually nil right now.
• Dunhuang has become Xinjiang's most important city.  And it's not even located within Xinjiang...it's in Gansu!  Pretty much the first city outside of Xinjiang with internet access, Dunhuang has become the place for all businessmen and foreigners to go to regain access to email and business contacts.  Hotels and coffee shops tell me they've seen a noticable increase in Xinjiang traffic.
• Wanted posters were plastered all over each neighborhood in August showing color photos of both those who have been arrested and those suspects who are still at large.  This group of about 30 mug shots include mostly Uyghur men but also boasts a couple women and Han Chinese.
• Every child must have their temperature taken before entering the school premises.  If they leave during the lunch period they must take the temperature again upon returning.  Any person entering the hospital with a temperature is immediately quarantined.
• Travel during the holiday was strongly discouraged.  Since we're foreigners and we needed to get on the internet we were allowed, but we first had to get permission from the local police bureau before we left.  Every single one of our Chinese friends stayed home for the October holiday following the request of our employer.
• The internet is rumored to remain closed until late next year.  This is the most discouraging to me.  I'm not sure what advantage there is to keeping this province in the dark until April or May, but even my friend within the city government told me not to expect anything until at least the Chinese New Year.  I've heard that our neighbors to the south are in the same situation but I'm not quite sure.

So that about covers it.  We're not suffering over here but things have definitely changed.  With every day that goes by these changes become more and more routine to the point that it's almost considered "normal".   Personally I take comfort in many of these points, I just hope that in the future all of this won't be neccessary.

Is It Still Safe to Travel in Xinjiang?

In light of the July 5th riots that completely shut down Xinjiang for an entire week and claimed the lives of almost 200 people, it stands to reason that many travelers might think twice before making their planned journey out to China’s west. I don’t blame them, really. There are times when I have been cautioned not to travel within the province or advised on certain areas to avoid – and this is my home. But in reality what are the risks involved in gallivanting around Xinjiang? Or better yet…is it worth the risk?

If you ever plan on coming to Xinjiang – and I highly suggest you do – here are some common fears shared by many travelers as well as the truth behind these misconceptions.

Physical Risks

Fear: If I go to Xinjiang there’s a chance I’ll get caught in a fight and get hurt or seriously injured.
Reality: I've received numerous emails asking about the "state of affairs" within the province.  Truthfully it's extremely calm, especially considering all of the police that are patrolling the streets right now.  Unless you get drunk and start throwing fists, your chances of getting caught in the middle of something are pretty darn slim. You’re taking more of a risk getting into a taxi cab in Beijing than walking the streets of Xinjiang. These fights and riots are domestic disputes and rarely, if ever, involve foreign visitors.

Health Risks

Fear: I could get stabbed by a syringe or catch H1N1.
Reality:  The syringe scare is pretty much over now.  A few people were jailed for these incidents and rumor around the province suggests that nothing actually came from being "stuck".  Nobody got sick; nobody died.  H1N1 is a credible fear, but the same can be said for traveling around the U.S. at present.

Risks for Females

Fear: Single foreign women are targeted by the local population.
Reality: Uyghur and Han Chinese are no better or worse than people groups anywhere else in the world. If you’re cautious and use common sense, you’re in no more danger than any other part of China. Don’t feel safe walking the city street at night? Then don’t. To be honest, right now is probably the safest time for females considering there are so many police patrolling the streets at all hours of the day carrying very big guns.

Sightseeing Risks

Fear: I’m going to spend all this time and money traveling to Xinjiang but when I arrive they’ll tell me that such-and-such place is now closed to foreigners.
Reality: While it is wise to check ahead with a travel agency to ask about certain border areas you might want to travel to, major cities and sightseeing locations very rarely close. The worst you’ll get might be a few extra police check-points which end up being more of an annoyance than a risk. I ran into 4 of them just on my way into the capital of Urumqi from my city up north, but the most I was asked to do was write down my passport number.

Is It Worth It?

Although I must acknowledge that there is a risk involved in coming out here to Xinjiang, I truly believe that the benefits far outweigh any potential problems. Of course, this is coming from a guy who has voluntarily lived here for over 3 years, so take that with a grain of salt. You can also take a look at the series I wrote earlier this year entitled 6 Reasons to Live or Travel to Xinjiang. There you’ll find all the “benefits” that for me make the risks of traveling here seem insignificant.

Are there any other travel fears that I have missed? If I were to give you a free, all-expense paid trip to Xinjiang right now, would you do it?

A Summary of Reactions to the Urumqi Riots

I found it very interesting as I emerged from my isolation in Xinjiang to see what everybody was writing about the Urumqi riots.  To be honest I am a bit discouraged that most of the conversation - both in China and among English-speakers - has centered around the portrayal of the incident as opposed to the problems causing the incident.  I suspect the reason for this might be a certain fixation on Chinese media as along with a hesitancy to write about Uyghurs, a generally unknown group.

Below I have compiled a few quotes from a selection of writers, politicians, and laymen talking about either the riots themselves or the way in which they were reported on by the Chinese and western media.

From Imagethief, an insightful China-based blog:

"Two divergent narratives now seem to be unfolding. ...[T]o summarize, in the broad Western media narrative, Uighurs ground down by decades of colonial oppression and incited by racism have erupted in rebellion. In the one told by Chinese media, "splittists" let by the Uighur exile Rebiyah Kadeer have engineered an outbreak of groundless violence directed largely at innocent ethnic Han.  Condensing as they must a long and complicated history from different political points of view, both narratives are hobbled. The Western narrative is hobbled by a reflexive sympathy for any group arrayed in opposition to a Chinese state that is well established in the role of bogeyman...The Chinese narrative is hobbled by a national myth-making apparatus that allows no room whatsoever for the acnowledgment of Uighur grievances."

From ChinaGeeks,  commentary on how State media is adapting to this riot:

"[Concerning State media's updating their English language sites faster than Chinese language sites]...it may indicate that the Chinese government is seeking primarily to control the international response to this story, and thus, Xinhua has been focusing on the English report, which is clearly where most of the Western news sources are currently getting their information. If this is the case, it would indicate a bit of a paradigm shift in their media response, which has previously been aimed primarily at domestic audiences."

From CNReviews, in response to a Huffington Post piece:

"One of the big surprises of the entire Urumqi riot news event was just how quickly the Chinese government came out and reported Uighur deaths both domestically and abroad. It was so unexpected, skeptics the world over instantly wondered if it was just an excuse to also report how many Han deaths there were in comparison, you know, to 'fan the flames of nationalism.'"

From Wang Lequan, Party Secretary of Xinjiang:

"We should keep a sober mind and not fall into the trap of our enemies.  We should not target our ethnic sisters and brothers.  Our targets should be the hostile forces and criminals, both at home and abroad, rather than our own brothers and sisters of different ethnic backgrounds.  Unreasonable behavior will only further worsen the situation."

From a taxi driver I talked to in Urumqi on July 14th:

"These police [referring to the hundreds of special riot police seen everywhere along the streets] will probably be here for another month or two.  People who used to take buses now prefer to take taxis for safety reasons."

From Fang Ning, a Political Science Scholar as quoted in the Beijing Review:

"Anti-China forces abroad fomented the riot to irritate the Han ethnic group, sow hatred and stir up conflict between people of different ethnic groups. The masterminds are the common enemies of all Chinese people."

Clearly the protesters have accomplished the not-so-difficult task of creating controversy, now it's time to wait and see what changes are ahead in Xinjiang's future.

A Recent History of Unrest in Xinjiang

Xinjiang, in both recent and ancient history, has never been known as a haven of peace and tranquility. Murders and coups of the past have now been replaced by riots and what the Chinese call “splittism” (the desire to separate the country). Here’s a quick look at the riots and unrest that have occurred in Xinjiang’s recent history. It’s not a comprehensive list but it includes the largest events that have occurred since the province’s ‘liberation’ in 1949.
 

 

The Urumqi Riot – May 1989

While Chinese leadership was coping with the demonstrations happening in Beijing, another student demonstration was underway, this one in Urumqi. Here, according to authorities at that time, an orderly march was being conducted. In reality these Uyghur students had wrecked cars and attacked the government headquarters. Interestingly, the reason for this march had nothing to do with Beijing but rather was in protest of the recently published book called Sexual Customs which purported to describe the sexual life of Muslims.
 

The Baren Riot – April 1990

The small town of Baren is located south-west of Kashgar and was a surprise location for any sort of uprising. Everything supposedly began when police tried to break up a crowd outraged at the closure of a mosque before a religious festival. Fighting broke out and was put down (20-50 deaths) by the Public Security Bureau with the help of 1,000 regular army troops. According to Chinese reports, the protest included Muslim calls for jihad and ended in 5,000 criminal cases.
 

The Lop Nor Demonstration – March 1993

An event that wasn’t widely covered in the press was an anti-nuclear demonstration held in Lop Nor, the site of China’s nuclear testing ground. The effects of nuclear testing in the areas surrounding Lop Nor, which has been recently brought to light by a Japanese researcher, were devastating. According to a Hong Kong publication around 1,000 demonstrators broke down the fence surrounding the compound stealing explosives and setting fire to aircraft and tanks. Some protestors were killed while hundreds were arrested.
 

The Gulja (Yili) Riot – February 1997

Gulja, a former capital of that particular region of China, is currently referred to as Yining (伊宁) in Chinese. A fight somehow broke out (specific stories differ) between police and worshippers on the final day of Ramdan, the Muslim holy festival. People take to the streets and march for little more than 2 hours before being stopped at the Yili Hotel (former Russian consulate). 300-500 arrested. By the next day the city was full of riots and riot police, with official reports citing 9 deaths while unofficial sources cited 30-400. A curfew was imposed, the railway and airport were closed and the city was sealed off for 2 weeks.

The Urumqi Riot – July 2009

The biggest and, according to most reports, the deadliest of all Xinjiang’s riots, it started as a peaceful protest of a few hundred people in People’s Square and ended in thousands running the streets and the deaths of close to 200 people, Han and Uyghur. Although Chinese publications are already releasing numbers, it will probably be a while before the full scope of this riot’s damage, including arrests, convictions and executions comes to light.


*For a more detailed look at what has happened in Xinjiang just in the past year, both small and large events, check out this timeline from the RFA which I found very useful.

The Uyghur Who Saved a Han

During the first few days of the Urumqi riots, stories of beatings, killings, brutal knifings and explosions dominated the gossip circles in Xinjiang. So gruesome were these stories that one could only wish that they were fabrications, although sad pictures in the local press confirmed the contrary. Occasionally, however, a story would find its way through the community* that would be a reminder that hatred is the characteristic of individuals, not ethnic groups. Just as every German wasn’t responsible for the Holocaust and not every Japanese committed atrocities in Nanking, not every Uyghur is to blame for the chaos that began on July 5th, 2009. In fact, as this story shows, some of them were given the opportunity to be heroes.
  

Bahtiar** (pronounced “bak-tee-ar”), a Muslim Uyghur, never would have guessed on that beautiful Sunday afternoon that he would end the day risking his life for a few Han Chinese people he didn’t even know. In fact, he wasn’t expecting to do anything more than serve food at his small Uyghur restaurant. Situated along the main road leading to the International Bazaar, the majority of his clientele were usually tourists – both Han (Chinese) and foreign.
  

Most people in Urumqi were unaware of the peaceful protests which had been on going since early in the afternoon, but once a group formed in the open area of the Urumqi International Bazaar the violence that ensued caught everybody’s attention. Heading north towards the People’s Square they left a wake of damage to any Chinese establishments with rocks, sticks and an occasional knife. Pent up frustration mixed with a poisonous mob mentality had obviously infected men who had up until this point never participated in violence.
  

As the group made its way up the main street, gaining momentum with every shattered window, some of the more radical protesters began barging into every restaurant and pulling out any Han Chinese on which to take out their aggression. Considering that the dinner hour was just beginning to come alive many of these restaurants were filled with people trying to enjoy some lamb and noodles.
  

Bahtiar, seeing what was transpiring, made a snap decision in the heat of the moment, a decision which would prove to be both risky and life-saving. Gathering all of his terrified Han customers who were eating in the restaurant he quickly ushered them to the back of the restaurant and hid them in the kitchen.
  

Barely a minute later two of the protesters, sticks in hand, burst into the restaurant and demanded to know if any Han Chinese were present. Shaking out of fear while staring his own countrymen in the eye he lied. “No. There are none here.” The whole restaurant paused for what felt like an eternity as the protesters looked for signs that another Uyghur might have deceived them. One might wonder if the plates of food served at empty tables might have been a dead giveaway to these two men, but the riot was moving to rapidly for them to investigate further, so they left.
  

The story doesn’t end here, however, as the riots carried on late into the night keeping the streets unsafe for all people. Bahtiar’s customers had to be led to safety from a restaurant that was in the heart of Uyghur neighborhood and therefore directly in the hot zone. An idea was suggested which was at first scoffed and then slowly reconsidered. What if each of these Han customers was dressed in Uyghur clothing and made to wear a head cover, a form of traditional fashion that was still widely used by strict observers of the Muslim faith (those least likely to be singled out in this riot), and then snuck out the back of the restaurant? It just might work.
  

So while outside cars were burning and people were yelling, inside these Han Chinese – male and female alike – were covered from head to toe in traditional outwear that would protect them from the anarchy. Had these escapees been found by the protesters there is no doubt that Bahtiar would have been severely beaten or even worse. In all likelihood he will never be recognized for his heroic risk and probably will never know that his story is being told.
  

But this story must be taken to heart, especially to those Han Chinese here who right now are scared to death of their Uyghur neighbor. Considering the tensions that have existed for centuries between the Han Chinese and their ethnic minorities in Xinjiang, this recent riot is likely to strain these feelings even further. Regardless the reason or justification for these protests, the deaths of hundreds of people is inexcusable for those few whose hatred overpowered their better judgment. But as Bahtiar and many others show, it is improper and prejudiced to label an entire entire ethnic group by a single characteristic.
  

*A similar story of kindness during the violence was written up in the Shanghai Daily

**Because this story is being told 2nd hand, all names and exact locations have been changed or made up. Any resemblance to actual persons or places in Urumqi is purely coincidental.

Urumqi: A Week After the Riots

The road stretching from the south gate all the way to the Urumqi International Bazaar, a predominantly Uyghur neighborhood, was blocked by scores of armed military guards, tire spikes, and police tape. This road, usually overcrowded by vehicle and pedestrian traffic, was now lifeless and the Bazaar itself had been set up as a temporary headquarters for a large battalion of well-equipped soldiers. A few blocks to the north, People’s Square had been completely cordoned off hiding a lonely piece of open space that had served as the beginning of the bloodiest clash in modern Xinjiang history.

A week after the riots began I found myself wandering the streets of Urumqi, a city which no longer felt familiar to me. The hot, dry air that is typical for the month of July was mercifully cool thanks to the clouds that were now slowly covering the sky. The streets were eerily silent, broken only by the occasional army envoy which consisted of two trucks carrying about thirty soldiers led by an SUV blaring warnings from its rooftop speaker in both the Uyghur and Chinese language. For a moment I thought I heard another riot start up only to recognize the clamor as the loud, purposefully-intimidating chants of a marching company filing down the nearby alleyway.
 

 

Of course, the most obvious change in this city was its people in whose eyes I could see fear and unease. For my entire visit rumors of riots, abductions, and killings – all lacking confirmation – held the city into a perpetual state of reclusion. Those who hadn’t fled the city to their hometowns were most likely holed up in their apartment terrified to leave.

The presence of all the armed guards was at the same time ominous and encouraging to me. As far as I could see, peace had been restored but the damage had already been done. Most of the wreckage left from the riot was now hidden behind locked metal doors, however some shattered glass, burned out buildings, broken kebab stands and a few gutted cars remained to give a glimpse of what had happened.
 

 

As I walked along the road small drops of water began to fall from dark clouds above, a warning of heavier rains to come. The soldiers posted in groups of threes on ever street corner never flinched during this change in weather although they carefully watched my sprint for shelter. I joined some of the few pedestrians who had found cover below a building overhang and stared out at the empty streets.

From there I had a moment to stop and think about how this week would add a new chapter to Xinjiang history books. The beginning of the week had been marked by a river of red blood – both Han and Uyghur – and had ended with a massive flood of green uniforms. By this time tomorrow a replacement of green would begin a new shift, a cycle that will repeat itself many times over, but for now I was left to hope that the red washed away by the rain would not soon be replaced.

Physical Changes in Xinjiang Due to the Riots

Due to the fact that the internet here in Xinjiang has been cut for several weeks I’ve had plenty of free time to soak in all the stories I’ve heard, process what has happened, and do my own research on the subject of unrest in Xinjiang. During this time I’ve also been able to witness the physical changes that have been happening as a result of the July riots in Urumqi. Here are just a few examples from my small city 4 hours north of Urumqi:

• Checkpoints have been set up at every exit point in the city as well as at various points along the major highways. Foreigners such as me must register our every movement.
• The internet was cut around 7-8am on July 6th…sort of. Access to sites that are hosted on servers within Xinjiang (which happens to be all local news) are available but anything outside is gone. No email, Skype, international news, etc. It’s been terrible. Only journalists have been allowed internet access in Urumqi and apparently bloggers don’t count as “journalist” here.
• International phone calls have been limited. According to officials it has been completely cut but we’ve been able to make and receive a couple calls, albeit after countless unsuccessful attempts.

• On Tuesday, July 7th, a massive company of military vehicles and soldiers occupied Karamay, our city, on rumor that some of the Urumqi rioters had moved north.
• That same Tuesday every office and store was closed as police constantly patrolled the streets due to the rumor mentioned above. Unaware of this lockdown, I innocently rode my motorcycle into a desolate downtown area to find a unit of over 150 police patrolling both major mosques.
• All auxiliary entrances to our neighborhood have been padlocked, allowing passage only through a single guarded gate. Such is the case in every community in our city.
• Rumors of bombs and buses burning have been circulating around the city but I have seen nothing and a friend who works for the local newspaper said nothing has happened.

I am dedicating the remainder of this week to this tragedy that has set every single person in Xinjiang on edge. Because of this communications blackout we are currently enduring, I don’t know how much of this is old news so please be understanding. Some is based on first hand experience during my trip to Urumqi soon after the riots while one will be an unconfirmed story that I find to be encouraging.

During this time, please feel free to fill the comment board with stories you’ve heard or opinions you have, but please do so without unnecessary accusations. This region of China has endured the awful grip of hatred for long enough; taking on this mantle is not heroic.

Finally, I will apologize ahead of time for a lack of personal pictures accompanying these stories. I am no professional journalist, and as much as I enjoy this blog I have no desire to part with my digital camera, or worse, with my personal freedom for the sake of a single photograph. Also, apart from scores of military personnel and some property damage, I have thankfully witnessed very little action.

My hope is that it stays that way.